Detail of contribution
Auteur: Amrit R. AMRITAVALLI
Titre:
Result phrases and dative experiencers in Kannada
Abstract/Résumé: Result phrases and dative experiencers in Kannada The Dravidian language Kannada has some resultatives like (1a) and none like (1b-d). The construction in (2) is ubiquitous. 1. a. John patted the bread round: John roTTi-annu gunDi-ge taTTida b. John shouted himself hoarse: *John tann-aanu gaNTalu kaTTukoLLuvaSHTu kirichida. c. The bottle broke open: *boTTlu tegedu-ide oDeyitu d. John ran his shoes ragged: *John tanna shoes-annu haridu-ide ooDida 2. We arrived at the airport. naavu airport seeridevu/ talpidevu. (1) may be due to the nature/paucity of adjectives (cf. Italian, Ramchand 2008:122). Tenny (1987) claims that (2) is a resultative. But for Higginbotham (1999), arrive “classifies events that are themselves already results:” it “applies to instantaneous events of being in a place, the … telos of events of journeying.” I argue for this to be represented in Ramchand's (2008) predicate decomposition by a “poor” proc but “rich” res for arrive, contra Ramchand’s analysis of arrive as init, proc, res. More generally, I argue for a “poor” proc, “rich” res representation for stative verbs: a representation that Ramachand entertains for light verbs (They got him arrested) but not for statives, which for her are init verbs with a rhematic complement. I analyze the dative experiencer construction in Kannada as rich res complements to a poor proc verb: 3. a. [avanige koopa] bantu b. [avanige aascarya] aayitu
a. ‘He got angry’ b. ‘He felt surprised’
Kannada bar ‘come’ has a different representation in (3) than in the nominative construction, where it is (init, proc, res). English come, likewise, has a clausal complement and a non-thematic subject in (4):
4. I have come to know /understand/ believe/ realize that …
(cf. It has come to our knowledge/ notice that …)
The clausal complement in (3) is a small clause, in (4) a full clause.
Dative case in Kannada, signifiying possession, is the counterpart of the null possessional preposition in the double object construction in English. The dative experiencer construction is the part of the double object construction, and the addition of an yields a double object construction:
5. a. nanage (tumba) tondare aayitu b. avanu nanage (tumba) tondare koTTanu.
I.dat. (a lot of) trouble happened he.nom. I.dat. (a lot of) trouble gave
‘I had (a lot of) trouble’ ‘He gave me (a lot of) trouble’
The dative experiencer is the Resultee argument; Initiators and Undergoers are nominative.
References Higginbotham, James. 1999. Accomplishments. In Proceedings of the Nanzan GLOW, the
second GLOW meeting in Asia, pp. 131-139. Nagoya: Japan. Ramchand, Gillian. 2008. Verb meaning and the lexicon: a first-phase syntax. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Titre:
Result phrases and dative experiencers in Kannada
Abstract/Résumé: Result phrases and dative experiencers in Kannada The Dravidian language Kannada has some resultatives like (1a) and none like (1b-d). The construction in (2) is ubiquitous. 1. a. John patted the bread round: John roTTi-annu gunDi-ge taTTida b. John shouted himself hoarse: *John tann-aanu gaNTalu kaTTukoLLuvaSHTu kirichida. c. The bottle broke open: *boTTlu tegedu-ide oDeyitu d. John ran his shoes ragged: *John tanna shoes-annu haridu-ide ooDida 2. We arrived at the airport. naavu airport seeridevu/ talpidevu. (1) may be due to the nature/paucity of adjectives (cf. Italian, Ramchand 2008:122). Tenny (1987) claims that (2) is a resultative. But for Higginbotham (1999), arrive “classifies events that are themselves already results:” it “applies to instantaneous events of being in a place, the … telos of events of journeying.” I argue for this to be represented in Ramchand's (2008) predicate decomposition by a “poor” proc but “rich” res for arrive, contra Ramchand’s analysis of arrive as init, proc, res. More generally, I argue for a “poor” proc, “rich” res representation for stative verbs: a representation that Ramachand entertains for light verbs (They got him arrested) but not for statives, which for her are init verbs with a rhematic complement. I analyze the dative experiencer construction in Kannada as rich res complements to a poor proc verb: 3. a. [avanige koopa]